geography virus in the world

 geography  virus in the world

Of dynamic geography

  In the spring, when the number of COVID-19s crossed the critical milestone of 100,000 U.S. deaths, its geographical range largely accumulated.  U.S.  Most of the deaths occurred in a small number of cities around the world, especially in New York City.

  Today, the death toll from COVID-19 is approaching 300,000, and the number of deaths that occur each day is comparable to or higher than the peaks seen in the spring, when the epidemic has truly changed nationally.  In the nearly nine months since the corona virus outbreak was declared a national emergency, every part of the country has been directly affected by the loss of life caused by the virus.

  Based on the death data collected by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Systems of Science and Engineering, the new Pew Research Center analysis of official reports on COVID-19 deaths across the country's 435 congressional districts and the District of Columbia shows how the corona virus has changed across the country.

  The Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to understand how the geography of the corona virus eruption has changed in its course.  For this analysis, we relied on official reports of deaths caused by the corona virus novel.

  This analysis requires congressional-district estimates of the number of deaths allegedly caused by COVID-19.  To make these estimates, researchers used available district-level statistics (collected and reported by the Center for Computer Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University).  However, many districts are divided into two or more congressional districts.  In cases where a district is subdivided into several congressional districts, the deaths in that district are assigned proportionally to the congressional districts, with the county falling based on the share of its population coming into each district (center using the Geocore tool from the Missouri census data).

  We focus on deaths at the district level in Congress for a number of reasons.  First, the political relevance of the districts of Congress provides insight into the political dynamics of the epidemic.  Second, the districts of Congress make clear the real impact on the people rather than the vague terrain on some district-level maps.

  The estimates presented in this report are subject to evidence of a number of errors.  In addition to discrepancies between district geographical and congressional districts, there may be significant differences between the actual number of deaths due to COVID-19 and the officially reported number of those deaths.  States may vary in the quality and type of data.  For example, most states report deaths based on the residence of the deceased rather than the location of the deceased;  JHU collects data from various local health organizations, and this can lead to some additional measurement error.

  In the early months of the epidemic, cases and deaths were greatly concentrated in the metropolitan areas of New York, New Orleans, Boston and Detroit, while other major cities and surrounding areas were experiencing higher mortality rates than the less populated areas of the country.  Overall, urban areas were initially more severely affected than suburban and rural areas, and racially and ethnically diverse areas were less severely affected than less racially and ethnically diverse areas.

  Both of these characteristics are strongly related to the racial and ideological oligarchy of an area, so congressional districts that experience the burden of lawsuits and deaths in those early months are more likely to be represented by Democrats than Republicans.  But as the virus has affected more and more communities in the United States over time and has spread to more rural and suburban areas, that has changed.  In recent months - since COVID-19 deaths began to rise again in the autumn - the average death toll in Republican districts has been higher than in democratic districts.

  Chronology of the changing geography of epidemics

  In March and April, during the first spike of deaths, the greatest cost for the epidemic was accepted by a few places.  During this period, New York City and many surrounding congressional districts had an average of more than 50 new deaths each day, with more than 150 people dying from the epidemic in a few days.

  Nationally, new deaths fell sharply in May and June.  At this point, new deaths have dropped dramatically in the northeastern districts, which have been severely affected in previous months, while deaths are rising in the south and southwest: Texas, Florida and Arizona have recorded the highest number of new deaths in the summer months.

  Although U.S. deaths did not peak in April and May during this period, geographical access at this point expanded considerably.  New deaths increased in the suburbs and countryside during the summer months, before a significant number of lost cities piled up in urbanized areas.

  At the end of the summer the new deaths fell somewhat again, but rose again nationwide in October.  Again, this marked a geographical shift in areas experiencing a greater number of new deaths.  In recent weeks, areas with the highest number of new deaths are likely to be higher in the Midwest and Mountain States.  For example, Montana had an average of less than one death a day before October (179 total deaths in the first seven months of the epidemic), but 501 Montana died of COVID-19 in October and November - an average daily increase of almost ten times the mortality rate.

  Low-density populations are now severely affected

  As the geography of new deaths has changed during epidemics, the types of affected communities have also changed significantly.

  At the onset of the epidemic, health vulnerabilities were most severely felt in densely populated urban centers.  From March to May, congressional districts in the most urbanized areas of the country are experiencing an average of five times the death toll compared to the least densely populated areas of the country, and in some places this disparity was even greater.

  However, the urban-rural divide has largely disappeared in the summer, and for the past several months, those districts with small share of densely populated areas have been experiencing twice as many deaths as in all or all parts of the country.  Almost all residents live in urban areas.

  Urban and dense suburbs, which experienced higher mortality rates in the early days of the epidemic, also had a larger share of non-whites than areas most severely affected in the spring: the most ethnically and ethnically diverse congressional districts (less) were less ethnically and ethnically diverse (more than 80% white) between March and May.  Whites (more than 40% more white than districts) with residents) had an average of 3.5 times the death toll.

  But in recent months, the death toll from COVID-19 has been almost identical in the less racially and ethnically different districts, as it has risen to higher rates in suburban and rural areas.  (Note: Although detailed nationwide information on the racial and ethnic background of COVID-19 deaths is not available, available information shows that in the United States, blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans are more likely to have died than whites.)

  Since the onset of the epidemic, democratic areas have experienced high COVID-19 deaths;  In recent months, GOP areas have been severely affected

  A similar pattern for those found with the urban-rural and ethnic system of each district emerges in the relationship between the discriminatory inclinations of a district and the deaths caused by the corona virus.  In the early stages of the epidemic, the worst affected districts were the "blue" parts of the country.  Between March and May, COVID-19 deaths were four times higher in strong Democratic districts (Republican congressional candidates received less than 25% of the vote in the 2018 midterm elections) and Republican candidates in more than 60% of the 2018 constituencies.

  But from September to November, the death rate is more than twice as high in Republican strongholds as in places where GOP lost the 2018 vote by a wide margin.  (Note: As the district-level data for the 2020 election is not yet complete, the 2018 ballot will be used for this analysis.)

  Democrats and Republicans in Congress represent dramatically different constituencies, and these differences have had a changing impact on the corona virus outbreak over the past nine months.  Democrats are more likely than Republicans to represent urban and diverse constituencies - areas that were severely affected at the onset of the epidemic.

  Republicans are more likely than Democrats to represent rural and county areas with a large share of whites - the same places where cases and deaths have increased over the past three months.

  While the total number of COVID-19 deaths in Democratic counties is high overall, new deaths have averaged higher in Republican-controlled districts since the end of July.  New deaths began to rise in mid-October in Republican-controlled districts, which fell somewhat in democratically controlled districts.  However, since November, deaths have been on the rise in Republican and Democratic counties.

  Public concerns about the corona virus have long been divided into biased ways.  Democrats are more likely than Republicans to view the corona virus outbreak as a major threat to the country's public health, and more concerned than Republicans about signing a serious lawsuit against COVID-19.  However, a majority of both parties - 91% of Democrats and 81% of Republicans - say they have always or most often worn a mask or face mask when visiting shops and businesses in the past month. 

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